FARC-EP: We were born to win, and not to be defeated!
“Who’s going to beat us in this country? Nobody. Neither rivers nor the sun, or anything. That’s why we want to talk: to find another outlet for which there are fewer dead.” - Commander Jorge Briceño [Mono Jojoy], January 1999, Semana
This quote illustrates so clearly the singular optimism and revolutionary conviction of Comrade Jorge Briceno. He never spoke in the first person, because he knew it was not a struggle for him, as an individual, but the collective effort of thousands of guerrillas of the FARC-EP, which embodied the feeling of a rebellious people, that encouraged and supported fully their efforts for power, peace and social justice.
So, in the days of excessive hellish harassment that eventually took his life, he decided to rescue and endorse that slogan which we will always remember: We were born to win, and not to be defeated! Thus transmitting the sense of belonging to the working class, to their party organization, their invincible army. He knew that it was no question of an individual but of a people.
He also said to the reporter in the interview: “The generals have always said that we have no heart, that we have no political ideals or principles. But then they have been wrong all my life.” Mono knew that not only the generals were wrong about us, but so are the full set of the ruling classes, their politicians, their spokespersons and analysts. They are unable to interpret reality from the perspective of those below.
As birds of prey, they contemplate the view from the heights. So to all of them peace is simply the disappearance of the guerrillas. This perception allowed Santos satisfaction points to grow the GDP, its benefits would report investments in businesses that would hold heat for their safety. None thinks that peace involves the absurd indices of social inequality.
None imagined that in order to materialize peace would require profound democratic changes in the political regime. Not one of the members of the bourgeoisie or landlords measured peace in lives, to solve the most pressing shortcomings of a large, impoverished population. Even less in terms of respect for the existence of a genuine political opposition. To “reform” is to go to Congress, arrive there with votes, repeat.
As if it were not criminal violence emanating from the State that is the main cause of the Colombian armed conflict. As if the institutions that invite us to insert ourselves confidently were not smelly dens of political corruption. As if there were not outrageous daily evidence of the involvement of the most antiquated political class with the paramilitaries and drug trafficking. As if the high command was unaware of such practices.
The traitorous oligarchy in power rejoices in the idea that in the last ten years the global and national situation changed enormously. Both things are ripe for ending the conflict. But not because the injustice and inequality reached outrageous levels capable of generating an irresistible social explosion; rather because it claims that the guerrillas were defeated strategically and had no future.
We cite the case of African countries in which leftist forces came to power through electoral channels, disguising their utter contempt for the accepted economic, political and social formulas. It is just this veiled longing that gets crushed by imperialist conspiracy. Their media monopolies cross out at odious dictatorships those governments linked to drug trafficking or support for terrorism.
But where it gets most arrogant and elitist is the issue of popular participation in the peace process. Not only are they based on the view that the insurgency lacks the slightest right to be a spokesperson of the Colombian people, but also that many people sticking their nose in a matter of such importance can only bring rioting and hinder progress in the discussion.
So that’s what it means to be serious, to propose sensible things, to be pragmatic and only aspire to what the oligarchy is willing to concede. That was enacted long before, in its National Development Plan, as victims and restitution law in its legal framework for peace, in its bill of rural development. It is these characters and plots we will face at the new negotiating table.
As Comrade Jorge Briceno already said: “The FARC are very serious in their approach to the dialogue process to seek a civilized resolution … We are willing to do whatever it takes to find solutions through dialogue.” That is why we knew the death of [FARC leader] Alfonso [Cano] and transforming him into a superior moral force, is a sharp spur to persevere in a tough decision. It is clear that the gigantic aggression of the last ten years failed to dull one millimeter from the edge of our ideas.
And we have demonstrated sufficiently that we are much stronger than the most powerful army. Our unwavering internal drive, our high morale and relentless revolutionary popular support guarantee that we will be victorious in this new test. We know that the Colombian people will not remain silent, they feels this opportunity to claim and demand, and to mobilize massively for change.
Referring to the then-President, Mono Jojoy said with his usual nonchalance: Pastranos is a man of the oligarchy, a neoliberal. But one who is willing to talk. So let’s see how far you fall short.” It seems unwise not think of its validity in relation to the current president. Things change in a decade, but perhaps not as much as some would like.
CENTRAL SECRETARIAT STAFF, FARC-EP
Mountains of Colombia, September 22, 2012
Original text in Spanish
Translation by redguard
